AIJAZ ZAKA SYED
Modi’s Gujarat defies Gandhi’s India
Ten years after the Gujarat
pogrom, justice still remains elusive. The fascist worldview that is at
the heart of what is going on in Gujarat has emerged as a challenge to
Gandhi's India and all that it stands for
The past is never dead, wrote William Faulkner, in fact it's not even
past. The past lives on and smolders in Narendra Modi's Gujarat.
Ten years after the worst communal massacre in the 21st century India
under the watchful eyes of the state, the ghosts of Gujarat are yet to
put to rest. Even if the victims of the 2002 pogrom wanted to move on,
Modi has seen to it they do not. As India marks the 10th anniversary of
the anti-Muslim massacre, justice still remains elusive for the families
of more than 2000 victims. The wounds have turned into festering
ulcers.
After a decade of endless investigations, testimonies of top cops and
Supreme Court interventions and above all substantial evidence, those
who presided over the slaughter haven't just managed to evade the long
arm of the law, they continue in power as defiant and far from repentant
as ever.
While India has had a long history of recurring communal violence,
Gujarat 2002 remains unique in many ways. The obscene dance of death
that went on for weeks in full media glare wasn't spontaneous. It was
carefully calibrated and executed with surgical precision with those
high in power enabling, overseeing and encouraging it.
The state didn't merely watch the madness for weeks on end, it joined in
the fun with all the power and resources at its disposal. The findings
of the three judicial commissions and special investigative team, not to
mention numerous eyewitness accounts, including those by courageous
policemen like Rahul Sharma, Sanjiv Bhatt and Sreekumar and
investigations by independent media prove the collusion of the state
government beyond doubt.
You had senior Cabinet ministers like Maya Kodnani, in jail now,
personally monitoring the “punishment” meted out to Muslims on the
streets of Ahmadabad. Two ministers, Ashok Bhatt and IK Jadeja, took
over Ahmadabad and state police control rooms to ensure no help reached
the victims, desperately begging for it even as they were raped, hacked
to death or set on fire with their homes.
Mobs armed with swords, trishuls and kerosene and acid bottles went
around with voter lists in their hands, systematically identifying and
eliminating Muslim families. One such mob surrounded the Gulbarg
Society, a largely Muslim gated community.
Ehsan Jafri, a former MP and prominent Congress politician, who lived in
Gulbarg, made hundreds of desperate calls to senior officials,
including to chief minister Modi, even as the mob blasted its way
through his apartment block. Help of course never arrived and Jafri —
along with 68 others — was hacked to pieces and burned right before his
septuagenarian wife who's now from pillar to post for justice.
Which isn't surprising since the chief minister had issued clear
instructions to the top police and administration officials the night
before at a meeting at his residence to shut their eyes and ears and
allow “Hindus to vent their anger” over the Sabarmati Express blaze,
promptly blamed on Muslims without any probe or proof even as many
experts discounted the possibility of a running train being torched from
outside.
But then who said this had anything to do with Godhra? It was an excuse
for Modi and his party to penalize the minority community, burnishing
their own credentials as the protectors of Hindus and the motherland.
The love of all things Muslim is the raison d'être of the BJP-RSS-VHP
combine. Gujarat 2002 was no aberration. Given an opportunity, they
would do it again and again.
The question is, how long will the rest of India tolerate this worldview
and treat the bloodthirsty killers with kid gloves? If the 2002
bloodbath in the land of Gandhi's birth and failure to prevent and stop
it was disgraceful, even more scandalous has been the state's inability
to bring the perpetrators to justice. Words like rule of law, fair play
and human rights remain just that — mere words. Except in one case,
Sardarpura massacre where 33 people were burned alive, there has been no
conviction.
Let alone finding justice, Muslims are facing continuous witch hunt at
the hands of a vindictive state administration. Locked in their ghettos
and deprived of basic amenities, they find themselves totally
marginalized and ostracized — politically, economically and socially.
They can't even sell their homes and business to move to safer neighborhoods for a fresh start, thanks to new laws.
During a much sobering visit in 2009, one experienced, almost
physically, the palpable pall of fear and gloom that has enveloped
Gujarat's Muslims since February 2002.
Scores of young Muslims have been bumped off in staged police
encounters. Hundreds have been languishing in prisons as “terrorists”
and “Pakistani spies.” No wonder thousands of Muslim families have fled
to neighboring states.
What's most disturbing is the fact that no one seems able or willing to
confront Modi or the mindset that he represents. Instead of confronting
him on his crimes, the increasingly shrill, TRP-driven media has been
lionizing the chief minister and portraying him as a market-savvy and
forward-looking CEO, committed to good governance.
Indeed, whitewashing his bloody past and numerous cases pending in
courts, Modi is increasingly being projected as the prime
minister-in-waiting and the hope and future of the billion plus nation.
The Congress-led UPA coalition too has failed to rein him in. Ever
mindful of its electoral calculations and majoritarian sensibilities,
the party has gone to great lengths to avoid a confrontation with the
Gujarat satrap.
But is this just the problem of one party or community? The fascist
worldview that is at the heart of what is going on in Gujarat, often
described as the Hindutva's lab, has emerged as a challenge to Gandhi's
India and all that it stands for — pluralism, democracy and social
justice.
As CPM leader Sitaram Yechury warned this week, ten years after the
pogrom, the RSS and BJP have sharpened communal polarization all across
the country, weakening the foundations of India's secular polity. The
creeping saffronization isn't limited to Gujarat or other BJP-ruled
states. It's a national project, with thousands of RSS schools and
shakhas and saffronized textbooks driving it. With the terror attacks on
the Samjhauta Express, Hyderabad's Mecca Masjid and Ajmer shrine now
being traced to Hindutva groups, it seems this war for India's soul is
being waged on all fronts.
Where will all this end? I do not know but it's not going to be pretty.
And we will all pay for it. If anyone could defeat these fascist
designs, it is the Hindu majority of the country, which is peace-loving,
reasonable and incredibly tolerant. They have demonstrated the
generosity of their spirit time and again, which was seen in the
tenacity with which cops like Sharma and Bhatt have confronted the chief
minister at great cost to their careers. Let's hope that spirit will
prevail in the end.
— Aijaz Zaka Syed is a Gulf-based writer. Write him at aijaz.syed@hotmail.com
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